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The leaders and followers of the Harlem Renaissance were every bit as intent on using Black culture to help make the United States a more functional democracy as they were on employing Black culture to 'vindicate' Black people.

Aberjhani , em Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance
leadership vindication education leaders patriotism national-history-day black-history-month harlem-renaissance followers united-states-of-america postered-poetics-by-aberjhani leadership-styles race-relations-in-america civil-disobedience african-american-history african-american-intellectuals african-american-leaders best-leadership-practices black-culture black-leaders democracy-in-america faith-in-the-american-people followership harlem-renaissance-historians heroes-of-the-harlem-renaissance historical-accountability historicization history-of-democracy leadership-strategies teaching-the-harlem-renaissance web-du-bois

In advanced societies it is not the race politicians or the "rights" leaders who create the new ideas and the new images of life and man. That role belongs to the artists and intellectuals of each generation. Let the race politicians, if they will, create political, economic or organizational forms of leadership; but it is the artists and the creative minds who will, and must, furnish the all important content. And in this role, they must not be subordinated to the whims and desires of politicians, race leaders and civil rights entrepreneurs whether they come from the Left, Right, or Center, or whether they are peaceful, reform, violent, non-violent or laissez-faire. Which means to say, in advanced societies the cultural front is a special one that requires special techniques not perceived, understood, or appreciated by political philistines.

Harold Cruse
activism art society culture politics politicians artist artists intellectuals intellectualism intellectual black-culture

There's a liberal story that limited opportunities, and barriers, lead to employment problems and criminal records, but then there's another story that has to do with norms, behaviors, and oppositional culture. You can't prove the latter statistically, but it still might be true.' Holzer thinks that both arguments contain truth and that one doesn't preclude the other. Fair enough. Suffice it to say, though, that the evidence supporting structural inequality is compelling. In 2001, a researcher sent out black and white job applicants in Milwaukee, randomly assigning them a criminal record. The researcher concluded that a white man with a criminal record had about the same chance of getting a job as a black man without one. Three years later, researchers produced the same results in New York under more rigorous conditions.

Ta-Nehisi Coates , em We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy
racism employment black-culture african-american-culture african-american-norms structural-inequality

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